methodology centered on GIS, remote sensing, spatial analysis, cartography, or geospatial modeling
original empirical work that describes a phenomenon without inferential testing — case-study description, named-corpus literature review, agenda-setting piece comparing specific cases
mixed methods — qualitative AND quantitative carry comparable weight, neither is clearly primary
conceptual essay or position paper with no original empirical data — argues for a framework, reframes a debate, or synthesizes existing literature without analyzing new cases
methodology cannot be determined from the title and abstract
Region across rural geography (1986–2026)
Predicted on 369 papers (snapshot: 2026-05-20_2325_location_v3_abstract).
Methods by region: USA vs non-USA (1986–2026)
Methods proportion over time, USA vs Non-USA. n=340 (USA=120, Non-USA=220). Papers with region multiple regions or unclear or conceptual, and papers missing from the locations dataset, are excluded.
USA (n=120)
Non-USA (n=220)
Topics across rural geography (1986–2026)
370 papers across 17 categories. The stacked bar shows each topic's share of all topic-instances in each 5-year bucket; the small multiples show the proportion of papers tagged with each topic over time.
Model:
cat14 inference; the original 17-category prompt as run on all WoS papers.
Small multiples y-axis:
Papers whose argument centrally concerns inequality, justice (social, environmental, spatial), poverty, health disparities, economic livelihoods, community development, just transitions, or economic resilience. Covers both critique of power structures and policy responses to them.
Social identity categories are a central analytical lens or empirical focus. The label applies broadly, beyond explicit gender/race/ethnicity language. Tag when the paper centers a group's experience, situation, or perspective as something distinct, including: (a) demographic identities — gender, race, ethnicity, caste, sexuality, religion, age; (b) economic and occupational group identities treated as substantive social categories — peasants, smallholders, farmers, farmworkers, fishers, miners, ranchers, traders, domestic workers, indigenous food producers; (c) politico-legal status identities — citizens vs migrants vs refugees, hukou-registered urban vs rural, settler vs Indigenous, formal vs informal sector workers, documented vs undocumented; (d) class-based identities — working class, peasantry, subaltern groups, marginalized communities; (e) rural identity as a substantive category — when the paper analyzes what being rural means, who counts as rural, the politics of rurality, rural-as-belonging (NOT merely rural as setting); (f) insider/outsider dynamics, in-group/out-group boundaries. Positive-pattern phrasings: 'this article examines the experience of [group]', 'we analyze how [group] differs from...', 'the role of [group] in [phenomenon]', 'the lives and practices of [group]', 'centering [group]'s perspective on...'. NOTE: identity and social power frequently co-occur and are NOT mutually exclusive. If a paper centrally concerns a group's experience of inequality or marginalization, tag BOTH identity (for the group-as-category) AND social power (for the inequality dynamics). Do not tag when a group appears only as a sample descriptor without analytical centering.
Paper's central analytical contribution is about a political institution, policy, or collective-action arrangement treated as an object of analysis in itself. Positive cases: policy design or critique where the policy itself is the subject; political institutions or regimes analyzed as systems; social movements analyzed as collective action (their organization, tactics, mobilization, fracturing); citizenship debates or property-regime analyses; government program implementation studied as institutional dynamics; conservation governance arrangements analyzed as governance; resistance, protest, or political mobilization as the analytical focus. Be selective. Rural geography papers routinely touch policy contexts without being about governance — the lexical presence of policy-adjacent vocabulary is not sufficient. Anti-pattern phrasings: 'rural development strategy / programs / interventions' as framing; 'sustainable development' or 'sustainable rural development' as backdrop; 'policy implications' or 'recommendations for policy' as a value statement at the end; 'institutions' mentioned without being analyzed; 'intervention' used to describe what was done to the studied group rather than to analyze the governance of intervention design; mentions of 'monitoring', 'policing', 'planners', 'planning' as practical descriptions; 'land ownership patterns' or 'property' as descriptive demographic variables (rather than property regimes analyzed as governance); 'state', 'government', 'reforms' used to scene-set economic or social transitions. The test: 'Could this paper's argument transfer to a private-sector or self-organized analog (no state, no policy, no formal institutions)?' If yes, the contribution is about the substantive domain (livelihoods, identity, environment, infrastructure, technology), not about governance. Tag governance only when removing the political-institutional dimension would collapse the paper's contribution.
Paper's central contribution is about geographic relations themselves — the relationship between scales, the role of distance, the geography of rural-urban transitions, the spatial dimension of a phenomenon treated as the analytical contribution. Positive cases: rural-urban gradient analyzed as a theoretical contribution (not merely as a sample stratification); cross-scale dynamics where the relationship between scales is itself the finding; modifiable areal unit problem (MAUP) studies; theory of global-local or regional relationships; analyses where remoteness, distance, or borders are the explanatory variable. Be selective. The mere presence of geographic vocabulary (spatial, scale, location, rural/urban, regional, geographic) is not sufficient — gemma should not tag scale/location for every paper that uses such vocabulary descriptively. Anti-pattern phrasings: 'spatial biases in [non-geographic phenomenon such as voting, sentiment, prevalence]', 'the geography of [phenomenon]' used as a descriptor of variation, 'comparing across regions / countries / sites' without theorizing the comparison, 'in different places' or 'in different country contexts' as a generality claim, 'rural and urban areas' used as sample strata. The test: could the paper's argument transfer to a non-spatial analog — a temporal change, a hierarchical level, a demographic comparison? If yes, the contribution is about the phenomenon, not about geography, and scale/location is at most a secondary tag. If a single specific place is the substantive subject of the analysis in its own right, see place-based study instead.
Physical infrastructure, the human-made material world, and the systems that mediate society's relation to space and resources. The label applies broadly, beyond explicit "buildings" language. Tag when a built object, infrastructure system, or material configuration is meaningfully part of the paper's analysis, including when infrastructure serves as the medium through which other arguments (race, governance, social power, health, identity) are advanced. Positive cases — infrastructure systems: water and irrigation infrastructure (settler irrigation systems, water access systems, plumbing, drinking water systems, drainage and stream alterations); electrical and energy infrastructure (electrification, electric power, rural electrification, electric grids, energy distribution networks); transportation networks (roads, railroads, ports, public transit); housing and shelter systems. Built form and material geographies: gentrification and displacement; urban and rural built form; urbanization as built process; landscape transformation by construction or land conversion; heritage and built-heritage sites. Material objects and processes analyzed as substantive subject: dams, bridges, levees, factories, mines as built infrastructure. Positive-pattern phrasings: 'irrigation systems', 'water infrastructure', 'electrification', 'electric grid', 'drinking water systems', 'transportation networks', 'urban built form', 'rural built form', 'gentrification', 'housing access', 'material geographies'. NOTE: built environment and human-environment often co-occur — infrastructure mediates the society-environment relationship. If a paper analyzes how an infrastructure system (irrigation, water access, electrification) shapes both material conditions AND nature-society relations, tag BOTH. Similarly, infrastructure papers often pair with social power (infrastructure-driven inequality) or governance (infrastructure regulation) — these are NOT mutually exclusive. The negative case: do not tag when infrastructure or material vocabulary appears only as scene-setting backdrop without analytical weight (e.g. a paper that simply says 'in a rural town' without further treatment of the built form).
The paper's analytical frame is the relationship between society and the physical environment, between humans and non-humans, or between humans and more-than-humans. Positive cases: political ecology; environmental history; eco-philosophy; nature-society theory; animal or plant geographies as theoretical contributions; explicit theorizing of human-nonhuman relations; analyses where the boundary between human and environment is itself the subject; environmental degradation analyzed through a political-economic or theoretical lens; multispecies or more-than-human framings. Be selective. The mere co-occurrence of human and environmental vocabulary is not sufficient — the paper must theorize the relationship as its analytical contribution. Anti-pattern phrasings: climate or hazard impacts on humans described as causal facts without theorizing the relationship (those belong under climate and natural hazards plus whatever describes the human dimension); water access or water infrastructure papers (usually built environment + social power); 'environment' used to mean 'setting' or 'surrounding context'; recreational use of landscapes; resource or land-use analyses that document conversion without theorizing the human-nonhuman relationship; settler-irrigation or water-governance papers where the contribution is about race, citizenship, or power rather than nature-society theory; 'land-use change' as a description of what happened rather than as a society-environment frame. The test: 'Is the paper's argument framed as nature-society theory, political ecology, or an analogous human-nonhuman analytical lens?' If no — if the environment appears as setting, data source, or impacted backdrop rather than as theoretical subject — human-environment is at most a secondary tag. Does not include papers on property or property law.
Paper's findings or argument centrally concern a single specific site or a few specific sites — a heritage site, village, town, region — treated as a substantive subject of the analysis. Positive cases: place-attachment studies; landscape perception of a specific site; ethnography of a single community; history of a single village or region; sense-of-place or place-identity research about specific named places; heritage-site studies. Be selective. The mere presence of a named location in the abstract is not sufficient: many empirical papers are situated somewhere without being place-based studies. Phrasings like 'a study of [phenomenon] in [town]' or 'we use the case of [town] to explore [phenomenon]' usually indicate the location is the empirical setting, not the substantive subject — in those cases the paper is generally about the phenomenon, not the location. Tag place-based study when the analysis depends on the specifics of that location (its history, its landscape, its community, its trajectory); be cautious when the location is largely interchangeable with similar locations elsewhere. NARROW TIE-BREAKER (applies only on borderline ambiguity): if the abstract names a SPECIFIC ETHNIC, INDIGENOUS, OR DIASPORIC GROUP by a distinctive cultural/ethnonym (e.g. Mongolian Kazakh, Hmong, Quechua, Bedouin, Quilombola, Aymara, Hispano, settler/Indigenous in a named region) AND the abstract describes their identity-formation, homeland relationship, attachment, displacement, or community-internal dynamics as the substantive concern, lean toward INCLUDING place-based study even if the abstract does not unambiguously confirm the site is the subject. THIS RULE IS NARROW: it does NOT apply to papers that merely name a country, state, district, or town (e.g. 'in Ghana', 'in California', 'in rural Bangladesh') without identifying a culturally-distinctive community as the analytical focus. Papers naming a region as the empirical setting for a phenomenon (e.g. 'water access in Suhum District', 'voter power in US states') do NOT qualify and should still NOT be tagged. The tie-breaker is a narrow exception for ethnographic / diasporic / community-identity work whose abstract is signal-poor on the subject-vs-setting question.
Human movement and population dynamics are a central subject: migration, displacement, refugee resettlement, immobility, urbanization, climate migration, or demographic change. Tag when movement (or its absence) is theorized or empirically studied, not merely reported as context.
Paper's findings or argument centrally concern farming as activity, food as a system, or agricultural production/distribution as the substantive subject. Positive cases: farming-system analyses (production methods, crops, livestock, agro-ecology as theoretical/political contribution); food security or food sovereignty as political-economic contributions; agricultural markets, trade, or labor analyzed as their own subject; smallholder/peasant livelihoods centered on agricultural practice; urban or regenerative agriculture as the focus; food provisioning analyzed as social practice. Be selective. The mere presence of agricultural vocabulary in the abstract is not sufficient — many rural-geography papers touch farming context without being about agriculture or food. Anti-pattern phrasings: 'land-use change' as a setting (the paper is about land transitions, not farming); 'agrarian reform / agrarian law' as legal-political backdrop without analyzing agriculture itself; 'agricultural trade' or 'agricultural region' used as data source / sample stratum for a study whose subject is inequality, identity, governance, or environment; 'rural land' or 'rural areas' generally; 'agriculture' or 'farm' in title alongside an analytical focus that is elsewhere (identity, place, governance, environment); papers about plantations, ranching, or rural livelihoods whose central analytical contribution is about race, labor, or power rather than the agricultural system. The test: 'Could this paper transfer to a non-agricultural rural domain — mining, fisheries, manufacturing, tourism, services — without losing its central contribution?' If yes, agriculture/food isn't the central subject.
The central purpose of the paper is to communicate a new research method or a new dimension of an existing research method. A paper that reports on a new method but whose central message is to report on a phenomenon is not a methods paper. Phrasings like 'this approach allows us to understand…' or 'the method can be applied to other study areas' at the end of an abstract are generalizability claims about an applied study, not methodological contributions. NARROW TIE-BREAKER (applies only on borderline cases): when the paper TITLE explicitly foregrounds the method as a named approach or technique — e.g. 'Mapping X Using [specific technique]', 'An Agent-Based Experiment', 'A [Named] Approach for Decomposing X', 'A Hybrid Human-Machine Approach', 'Measuring X: The Influence of Alternative [methods]' — AND the abstract evaluates the method's properties (compares alternative measures or methodologies, examines the effect of method parameters such as level of detail or resolution, proposes a novel framework as the analytical contribution, tests the method's sensitivity or applicability), lean toward INCLUDING methods even if the substantive domain (Australia, healthcare access, land-use change) appears to be the apparent focus. THIS RULE IS NARROW: it does NOT apply to papers that just USE a standard method without evaluating or proposing one (e.g. 'we use regression to analyze X', 'using GIS to map Y', 'employing interviews to study Z'). The trigger is title-level foregrounding of the method AND abstract-level evaluation of the method itself.
Affect, emotion, or psychological dimensions of human-environment or human-place relations are a central subject: place attachment, nostalgia, care, fear, wellbeing, heritage, or behavioral responses to environmental change.
Paper focuses on climate change (science, impacts, mitigation, adaptation), climate resilience, or discrete hazard events including flooding, drought, hurricanes, tornadoes, cyclones, earthquakes, or tsunamis. Geological hazards belong here even when unrelated to climate. Tag alongside human-environment if human dimensions are also a finding.
Digital, communications, or information technology is a central subject or finding: internet access, broadband, mobile phones, AI, smart systems, social media. Also includes precision agriculture technology, remote sensing as a tool of governance or power, and rural technology access or exclusion.
The central focus on the paper is on the functioning of a dimension of an earth system or physical environment such as soils, hydrology, marine or freshwater ecosystems, geomorphology, vegetation, forests, wildlife, deserts and where human impact may be implied but is not the central concern or agent. Tag when landscape, earth, or ecosystem change is empirically documented and is the main object of analysis.
Energy systems, sources, or infrastructure are a central subject: oil, gas, electricity generation, solar, wind, biofuels, wood heat, ethanol, geothermal, mining, or energy transitions. Tag when energy is the focus, not when it appears incidentally.
Tourism, recreational land use, second homes, outdoor recreation economies, or tourist-driven landscape change are the primary focus.
Paper focuses on meteorological systems, weather events, weather prediction, or short-term atmospheric phenomena (El Niño, La Niña) as the primary subject. Do not use for long-term climate trends — see climate and natural hazards.
Topics by region: USA vs non-USA (1986–2026)
Topic prevalence over time, USA vs Non-USA. n=347 (USA=122, Non-USA=225). Papers with region multiple regions or unclear or conceptual, and papers missing from the locations dataset, are excluded.
Left — UpSet (exact-set view): the 25 most-recurring exact topic combinations across 370 papers (202 distinct combinations total). Each vertical bar counts papers whose full topic set matches the dotted pattern — a "social power + identity" bar counts only papers tagged with those two and nothing else. Right — pairwise heatmap (at-least-both view): cell (row, column) counts papers tagged with both topics regardless of what else they have, so the same pair will always show a larger number here than in the UpSet view (the heatmap value equals the sum of every UpSet bar whose dot pattern contains both topics). Diagonal cells are each topic's own paper count, shown in grey. Click any UpSet bar or heatmap cell to filter the table below.
Heatmap intensity:
Row/column order:
Reading the two views
UpSet bar ≠ heatmap cell. The UpSet bar for "A + B" counts papers whose exact topic set is {A, B} and nothing else (e.g. social power + identity ≈ 15 papers). The heatmap cell counts every paper with at least both tags, regardless of what else they carry (e.g. ≈ 131 papers). The heatmap value equals the sum of every UpSet bar whose dot pattern contains both topics.
Raw count vs phi. Raw count is volume; phi is association above chance. Two common labels (like social power and identity) will co-occur a lot in absolute terms even if they're only modestly associated — their phi may be only ~0.20–0.30 even when their co-occurrence count is the corpus maximum. Rare labels that nonetheless travel together (like emotion + place-based study) can be invisible in raw count but jump out in phi.
Cluster ordering surfaces block structure. Switching to cluster (hierarchical on 1−φ) reorders rows and columns so positively-associated labels land adjacent. Expect roughly three blocks on the diagonal: a social-political cluster (social power, identity, governance, mobility), a place/space-form cluster (place-based study, built environment, scale/location), and a nature-society cluster (human-environment, natural environment, climate and natural hazards, perhaps agriculture/food). The long-tail labels (methods, technology, energy, weather, recreation) typically sit at the edges and their clustering position is noisy because of small support.
What strong negative phi (red) means. Red cells flag tag pairs that papers avoid combining — distinct analytical commitments. Expect mild red between method-of-paper-explanation labels (methods, technology) and affective labels (emotion), and between purely-physical labels (weather, climate and natural hazards) and identity/power labels.
Sample-size caveat.weather (n=2), recreation (n=13), energy (n=12), natural environment (n=14) have low support, so their phi values are noisy and their clustered position can shift on minor data changes. Treat their positions as suggestive at best.
How phi is computed (and why it differs from raw count)
Pairs like social power and identity are the most common co-occurring tags, but that's not particularly meaningful — they're also the two most common individual tags. We instead want to examine the correlation between tags: how often they appear together relative to how often they appear separately. The phi coefficient does exactly this. Its focus is how much more likely it is that either both topics X and Y appear on a paper, or neither does, than that one appears without the other.
φ = n11·n00 − n10·n01√(n1··n0··n·0·n·1)
The four counts come from a 2×2 contingency table for any pair of topics X and Y across the corpus:
Has tag Y
No tag Y
Total
Has tag X
n11
n10
n1·
No tag X
n01
n00
n0·
Total
n·1
n·0
n
Concretely, for X = social power and Y = identity on our 346 papers:
n11 ≈ papers with both, n10 ≈ social-power-only, n01 ≈ identity-only, n00 ≈ neither. The numerator (n11·n00 − n10·n01) is positive when "both-or-neither" dominates "one-without-the-other", and negative in the reverse case. The denominator is a geometric mean of the marginal totals; dividing by it normalizes φ into [−1, 1] regardless of corpus size or how lopsided the individual labels are.
Properties worth knowing:
φ is symmetric: φ(X, Y) = φ(Y, X). The heatmap is therefore symmetric across the diagonal.
φ = 0 means topics co-occur exactly at chance frequency, given their marginals.
For two binary variables, φ equals the Pearson correlation coefficient; both have the same meaning in this setting.
In practice |φ| rarely exceeds ~0.5 even for strong associations in document-tagging data, because each tag has a wide range of papers it could appear on — the diverging colour scale on the heatmap amplifies the |φ| × 2.5 mapping so that mid-range associations are still visible.
φ is sensitive to the marginal frequencies. A pair with low individual support that always co-occurs can show a very high φ on a small sample (the weather/climate-and-natural-hazards pair would be a candidate here). The sample-size caveat above applies.
Is |φ| = 0.3 surprising? Significance and bootstrap
A useful intuition for our 346-paper corpus: under the null hypothesis that two tags are independent, the standard error of φ is roughly 1/√n ≈ 0.054. So an observed φ = 0.3 sits about 5–6 standard errors away from zero — extremely unlikely under independence.
More precisely: the chi-square test statistic for a 2×2 contingency table is χ² = n · φ², with 1 degree of freedom. So:
|φ| ≥ 0.10 → χ² ≥ 3.46, p ≈ 0.06 (marginal)
|φ| ≥ 0.15 → χ² ≥ 7.79, p < 0.01
|φ| ≥ 0.20 → χ² ≥ 13.8, p < 0.001
|φ| ≥ 0.30 → χ² ≥ 31.1, p < 10⁻⁷
These thresholds are asymptotic and assume both tags have reasonable marginal support. They break down when one tag is rare. Click any heatmap cell to see its 95% bootstrap CI and its chi-square p-value — bootstrap (resampling papers with replacement, 1000 iterations) is the more honest measure when marginal support is small, because it captures the actual sampling variability of φ rather than assuming the asymptotic Normal approximation.
Anchor topic — co-occurrence over time
Pick an anchor topic. Each facet shows the fraction of anchor-tagged
papers in each decade that also had the co-topic. Sort by overall % for the loudest trajectories, by signed φ to put true positive associations first and avoidance pairs last, or by |φ| to surface the most structurally informative pairs
regardless of direction.
Anchor:sort:y-axis:n papers tagged social power: 257